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A Hungarian government perspective on Gypsy/Roma integration
by Géza Jeszenszky

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This is an article published by Géza Jeszenszky of Corvinus University and the Hungarian Embassy to Norway. It is designed to offer the Hungarian government perspective on the Roma integration issue covered in this article.

The Roma (the name meaning “man, human” and used more recently by the more active members of the group) or Gipsy are an ethnic group, easy to recognise from their dark skin and hair. According to estimates, there are some 12 million Roma people living around the world. The European Gypsy population, thought to amount to at least 8 million people, includes communities of various sizes in almost every state in Europe. Around 70 per cent of the European Roma lives in Central and Eastern Europe, and in some countries their share of the overall population exceeds 5 per cent. In terms of estimated figures for the number of Gypsies resident in 38 European countries, Hungary lies in the fourth place, after Romania, Bulgaria and Spain.
Demographic change in Hungary (and throughout in Central and Eastern Europe) is characterised by an ageing, ailing population while the number of people of Gypsy origin is rising and the age composition of the Gypsy population is much younger than that of the overall population. Estimates based on current demographic trends project that in 2050 more than 20 per cent of the population will be Roma Hungarians. The Roma continue to be among the poorest in the country. Their birth rates are much higher and their average expected life span is significantly lower than the national average. Although they were traditionally living in the countryside, under general urbanization trends from the second half of the 20th century many of them moved into the cities. There is a sizable Roma minority living in Budapest. The real number of Roma in Hungary is a disputed question. In the 2001 census only 190,000 people called themselves Roma, but experts and Roma organisations estimate that there are between 450,000 and 1,000,000 Roma living in Hungary. Since then the size of the Roma population has increased rapidly. Today every fifth or sixth newborn Hungarian child belongs to the Roma minority.

Their low status on the job market and higher unemployment rates perpetuate poverty, widespread social problems and crime. The European Union shows much concern to the issue of Roma poverty and alleged intolerance towards them in the new member states, and tends to put all the blame on the governments. The major effort of West European governments seems to be to keep those unwanted elements away from their own countries. But if one studies the history and the present situation of the Roma in the formerly communist-dominated countries, it will become evident that the solution is much more difficult than the well-meaning activists and the ignorant bureaucrats believe.

The origins of the Roma problem

The Roma arrived from North India. From the fifth century onwards, Roma filtered into the Persian and later Arab empires of the Middle East, early groups of them reaching Byzantium in the tenth century. Their attachment to established religions, whether Hindu, Muslim or Christian, appears to have been a matter of convenience. In the Balkans where Ottoman rule lasted longest in Europe, especially Bulgaria, the majority are Muslim, while in areas which historically have been under Christian control, they are Christian.

The most common name used for them comes from the Greek word 'atsinganos', meaning 'heretic sect', and later coming into the Latin language as 'cingarus', into German as 'Zigeuner' and Hungarian as 'cigány'. They first appeared in Hungary in the 14th and 15th centuries fleeing the conquering Turks in the Balkans. A significant number migrated further to West European countries. Since they were thought to be Egyptian pilgrims in some places, they are still known by the term Gypsy in these areas today. Because of their alien culture and unwillingness to be engaged in agricultural production they were soon expelled and deported from Western Europe, sometimes brutally. Some tribes managed to hold out in the Mediterranean region but the majority retreated to Central and Eastern Europe.

Traditionally independent and migrant, the Roma have in all countries remained predominantly outside the various systems in operation, be they feudal, capitalist or socialist, by becoming horse-dealers, smiths, musicians and more recently scavengers. The Roma have historically been persecuted and/or discriminated against in all countries. During the Second World War, when most of Europe fell under the domination of the Nazis, genocide was used against the Roma and some half a million are believed to have died.

Before the collapse of the communist system, based on available census figures and previous estimates (taking into account the high birth rate among Roma) and including associated sedentary and nomadic groups, the following figures gave the number of Roma and their percentage of the population by country in 1986:

Yugoslavia — 850,000 (3.7%); Romania — 760,000 (3.35%); Hungary— 560,000 (5.21%); Bulgaria — 475,000 (5.3%); Czechoslovakia — 410,000 (2.66%); Greece — 140,000 (1.4%); Albania — 80,000 (2.75%); Poland — 70,000 (0.19%). Those figures were based on self-confession, and in reality the numbers were much higher.

The communist countries of Eastern Europe have applied pressure on the Roma to stop travelling, to settle and to seek permanent employment, thus assimilating, but the results did not prove lasting. Following the collapse of communism many unskilled Gipsy workers were laid off, and today most of them are unemployed, living on social welfare. Criminality (including in-group cases) is high among them, consequently a negative attitude to Roma is wide-spread among the population at large. Life expectancy for Roma remains considerably lower than the average. Many Roma live in self-made squatter settlements on the outskirts of towns or villages. A large proportion of their children do not regularly attend school. Discrimination plays some part in this as the birth-rate among Roma has increased while the general population has a zero or negative growth rate, and many elementary schools are inundated by unruly Gypsy children.

The history and present situation of the Roma in Hungary

Between the 15th and 17th centuries during the wars fought against the Turkish conquerors Gypsies played a considerable role in Hungarian society. Constant military preparation and the lack of craftsmen provided opportunity to work. Fortification and construction works, metalwork, weapons' production and maintenance, horse trading, postal services, wood carving and blacksmithing at a rate cheaper than that of the guilds' craftsmen enabled them to make a living and were important activities for the country. Some Gypsy groups were even granted privileges, first under King Sigismund (1387-1437) and King Matthias (1458-1490), right up to the beginning of the 18th century. Many landlords made efforts to provide permanent home to 'companies' in order to acquire their services. However, from the end of the 17th century, when the Turks were driven out of Hungary, most activities carried out by the Gypsy population were rendered unnecessary.

In the mid-18th century Maria Theresa (1740-1780) and Joseph II (1780-1790) dealt with the Gypsy question by the contradictory methods of enlightened absolutism. Maria Theresa enacted a decree prohibiting the use of the name 'Gypsy' and requiring the terms 'new peasant' and 'new Hungarian' to be used instead. Joseph II even prohibited the use of the Gypsy language in 1783. The forced assimilation essentially proved successful - in the 19th and 20th centuries the vast majority of the Gypsy population, who had settled hundreds of years earlier and held onto their customs and culture for a long time, gave up, even forgetting their native language and assimilating into Hungarian society. A significant number worked as blacksmiths, wood-carvers, nail makers and makers of sun-dried bricks which activities provided a living for 100,000 Roma and their families at the end of the 19th century. However, the best opportunity for social advance was through music – in 1893 Hungary had around 17,000 registered Gypsy musicians.

A new wave of Gypsy immigration occurred in the second half of the 19th century, following the emancipation of peasants and capitalist development. The arrival from the east and south of Gypsies who had held onto their traditions and language and mostly continued their itinerant lifestyle led to many conflicts. As a result of this wave of new settlers, a census of the country's Gypsy population was ordered. According to the 1893 census, which is one of the most important documents in the history of Hungarian Gypsies, 280,000 Gypsies lived in Hungary at that time. The divisions in Hungary's Gypsy population developed in the early 20th century. The largest group, who arrived earlier and lost their language and culture, are known as the 'Romungro' or Hungarian Gypsies. They distinguish themselves from the rest of the Gypsy population today. The vast majority of the second group arrived from Romania in the second half of the 19th century. They speak the Gypsy language, and are called ‘Vlach Gypsies’ (“oláhcigányok”) by virtue of their origin. There is also a third, smaller group, the ‘Beas’ Gypsies, who mainly settled in South-West Hungary and speak archaic Romanian-language dialects. A low level of Gypsy immigration continued right up to the outbreak of the Second World War. Prior to the German occupation of March 19, 1944 the Gypsy population on the then territory of Hungary was around 200,000. The Nazi way of ‘resolving the Gypsy question’ was genocide. At least 5,000 Hungarian Roma were killed in the Roma holocaust, but some estimates speak of as many as 30,000 victims.

The 1945 land reform, which broke up the large estates, meant the loss of employment opportunities for the Gypsy population. The majority were left out of the land reform program, too. Employment levels improved in the course of forced industrialisation but the vast majority was able to find only unskilled jobs. The Cultural Federation of Gypsies in Hungary was founded on the model of other nationalities' federations in 1957 with the objective of creating and renewing original Gypsy literature, music and other art forms, and assisting in preserving the ancient language. The Deed of Foundation also contained a general requirement to improve job creation, schooling, health care and living conditions. In effect the aim of the foundation was to have the minority status for Gipsies accepted but the authorities viewed it with suspicion. Therefore the activities of the federation were limited to dealing with individual complaints which showed the need for an organisation for the protection of Roma interests. Yet the federation only lasted until 1961. A decree issued in 1961 by the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party declared the fundamental principles of Gypsy policy for the next few decades. The decree described the Gypsy question as a social problem rather than a minority issue: “Policy directed at the Gypsy population shall start from the principle that despite certain ethnographical characteristics they do not constitute a nationality. […] Many people see this as a minority issue and recommend developing the 'Gypsy language' and setting up Gypsy-language schools and colleges, Gypsy agricultural cooperatives, etc. These views are not only mistaken but also harmful as they preserve the segregation of Gypsies and slow down their integration into society.” The decree reflected the communist party’s attempts at assimilation expressed in the form of 'social crisis management'.
The first reliable data on Gypsies’ living conditions were provided by the nation-wide research conducted in 1971. It found 320,000 Roma living in Hungary. 71 per cent were native Hungarian speakers, 21 per cent spoke the Gypsy language as their mother tongue, and almost 8 per cent were Romanian speakers. Two thirds of the Gypsy population lived in settlements on the outskirts of towns and villages. As a result of industrialisation in the 1950's and 1960's by 1971 85 per cent of Gypsy men of working age were in employment. Although a political decision was taken to accelerate the removal of Gypsy settlements, separate residential areas inhabited only by Gypsies were still established through the construction of new homes with a lower level of comfort. The state home construction program slowed down in the 80's, and eventually came to an end without having resolved the housing problems of the Gypsy population. In 1971 around 60 per cent of Gypsy children attended nursery school, and 50 per cent completed primary schooling. An increasing number of these children were learning a trade, and the numbers attending secondary schools were also rising. However, Gypsy children were often taught in separate classes, or subjected to special education in view of their 'handicap'. The first generation of Gypsy intellectuals appeared and achieved success primarily in arts and folk culture. Alongside these positive changes direct and indirect prejudice remained with the means of mass communication maintaining the stereotype of the work-shy and criminal Roma.

This progress, which started spectacularly but was laid on unstable foundations, collapsed during the social and political changes of 1990. The construction industry and mining, providing employment for most of the Gypsies, fell into crisis. And Gypsies, who were largely employed as unskilled workers and carried out tasks requiring the lowest level of expertise, were the first to be made redundant at privatised companies. Within a short space of time the majority of Gypsy families had fallen back to the level of the previous decades. Their lack of education continually reduced their chances for employment. But the Gypsy population began to get organized and underwent a political awakening at around the time of the social and political changes. In the first parliamentary cycle after 1990 three Members of Parliament openly proclaimed their Gypsy origin. There was an increase in the number of Gypsy civilian organisations with 96 officially registered organizations by the end of 1991. Although their operation was often hindered by financial difficulties the number of civil Roma organizations rose to 260 by 2001.
Legislation and new institutions after 1990

After the social and political changes the first democratically elected parliament and government faced up to the requirement for immediate action concerning the issue of ethnic minorities including the unsolved problems of the Roma which had been squeezed into the background for decades. The constitution and the various laws proclaimed full equal rights, but difficulties arose in practical enforcement. Direct governmental action seemed to be urgent since masses of the Roma lost their jobs as a result of the economic restructuring and privatisation that followed the social and political changes. The Roma were the biggest losers in the accelerated modernisation of the 1990s and the new economic environment. Solidarity diminished while intolerance and indifference towards other people's problems gained ground. Political decision-makers realised that there was no chance of dealing with the situation without special state assistance promoting the social integration of the Roma.

The government led by the late József Antall (1932-1993) established a new, nationwide institution as early as 1990 ― the ‘Office for National and Ethnic Minorities'. Its primary task was to prepare decisions on minority policies, to coordinate and set out the fundamental principles. This Office was charged with the task of regularly monitoring the situation of minorities, making analyses and maintaining contacts with representatives of the minorities. From the mid-1990s onwards the Office played a decisive role in working out short and medium-term programs affecting the Gypsy population, too. A separate vice-president coordinated Roma affairs within the Office.

The most important measure affecting all national and ethnic minorities was Act LXXVII of 1993 on the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities. It was adopted by Parliament by a majority of 96 per cent. In a manner unique in Europe, this Act grants individual and collective rights to the 13 minorities recognized in Hungary (Germans, Slovaks, Romanians, Croats, Serbs, Slovenians, Ukrainians, Rusyns, Poles, Bulgarians, Armenians, and of course the Roma), both on the local and the country level. The minority self-government bodies were granted the right to decide, within the scope of their powers, on establishing, taking over and maintaining institutions especially in the field of local education, the written and electronic media, preserving traditions and cultural matters.

The Minorities Act is of historical importance for the Gypsy population in Hungary as it was the first measure to recognise this group of people as an ethnic minority, thereby assuring, apart from individual rights, the opportunity for Gypsies to organize collectively and set up local and nationwide minority self-governments. In 1994 and 1995 477 local Gypsy self-government bodies were established. The share of minorities is indicated by the fact that the other 12 national minorities had established a combined total of 261 local bodies by this time. In Budapest the district minority self-governing bodies established the Budapest Gypsy Minority Self-Government by means of indirect elections, and founded the National Gypsy Minority Self-Government with 53 representatives. As a result of the second minority self-government elections held in1998 there was a significant increase in the number of local Gypsy self-governing bodies, with successful elections in 764 settlements. Some 3,000 Roma participated in the work of the minority bodies in that cycle. As a result of the third elections in 2002 Gypsy minority governments were formed in 998 settlements, namely in around every third settlement nationwide. The National Gipsy Self-Government voices opinions on all issues affecting the Roma as a partner to the parliament and the government. The Minorities Act made provision for public service programming in the languages of recognised minorities, helped establishing cultural institutions, drew up the legal foundation for minority schooling and education, affirmed the right of minorities to be represented in parliament, and called for a parliamentary commissioner for minority rights.

Experience over more than a decade since the Minorities Act and other legal regulations were adopted suggests that amendments to and clarification of certain legal provisions is essential to making the system operate more efficiently. With regard to being a member of a minority, the Act starts from the principle of voluntary identification, relying on self-assessment and not requiring a register of electors to be drawn up. However, the problem of legitimacy arose in the election of minority self-governing bodies from the fact that in the absence of accurate data not only members of the given minority were entitled to vote for minority candidates but any other resident of the settlement with voting rights. For this reason several people, including the minorities' ombudsman, proposed the introduction of some form of electoral registration and the clarification of membership of a community as preconditions for the exercise of minority community rights, and pressed for changes in the legal regulations on minority elections. In October 2005 Parliament modified the election of minority self-government representatives: a register of minority voters was introduced, and the duties as well as the operation and financing of minority self-governments were regulated.
Guaranteed parliamentary representation for minorities has been considered a major deficiency of the legislature, although there are several representatives belonging to ethnic minorities who were elected from individual constituencies or from party lists. Drafts have been completed on the parliamentary representation for minorities, but no agreement on such drafts has been reached. (There was no political opposition to the idea, but the legal compatibility was found lacking.) In my personal view such a representation would be a mere formality; the existence of minority self-government is far more important and has practical benefits.

Compared to the priorities of other minorities' self-governing bodies, improving the social and employment situation is more urgent for the Gypsy population than enforcing cultural rights. Some governmental agencies involve minority self-governments in implementing programs in this area. A good example is the practice of county job centres carrying out targeted labour market programs. The social integration of the Roma also imposes a considerable burden on civilians and civil organisations.
Despite initial difficulties and operational errors, the minority self-government model has produced some reassuring values and results. In terms of the future, one important experience is that the minority self-governing bodies are most successful in areas where their activities are based on civil organization, and on minority activities that existed earlier. Positive experiences show that the minority self-government system has contributed to the consolidation of national and ethnic minorities and enlivened the minorities’ community life. The ability of the Gypsy population to enforce its interests has clearly improved. The operation of Gypsy minority self-governments promotes the social integration of the Gypsy population and regular dialogue and co-operation between the Roma and non-Roma population.

Over the past few years the minority self-government system has shown that it is a viable and effective way of enforcing interests, and assuring the participation of minorities in local and national issues affecting them. Those who belong to a minority have started accepting their identity with a greater degree of awareness and openness. This is reflected in the census data of 2001. In 1990 142,683 people claimed to be Gypsy while a decade later this figure reached 189,984, although this is still well below the estimated actual size of the Gypsy population. The answers given to questions first posed in 2001 about language use and attachment to cultural values also confirm acceptance of identity by the Roma, with some 50,000 having designated a Gypsy language (Romany or Beas) as their native language in the 2001 census, and 130,000 having declared commitment to the Roma cultural values and traditions.

An important legal regulation directly affecting the position of the Gypsy population in Hungary is Act LXXIX of 1993 on Public Education, which was amended in 1996 and 2003 to provide the national and local minority self-governing bodies with the opportunity of founding and maintaining educational institutions, and which defined the fight against segregation in schools as an objective. Act LIX of 1993 on the Parliamentary Commissioner for National and Ethnic Minority Rights is a law of particular significance for the Gypsy population. It is the responsibility of the minorities' ombudsman, as defined in the Constitution, to investigate or ensure the investigation of any abuses of constitutional rights brought to his/her attention, and to initiate general or individual measures to remedy such abuse. Based on the events of recent years and the ombudsman's parliamentary reports, we can conclude that the establishment of the institution was justified. Such activity is important for a state founded on the rule of law.

Following the establishment of the minorities' institutional system in 1995, individual and experimental programmes launched with the support of government agencies and Hungarian and international civil organisations, such as the establishment of the Gandhi Secondary School in Pécs, which has acquired an international reputation, were replaced by specific governmental programs seeking to resolve the deteriorating position of the Gypsy population. The Roma policy of the governments since the social and political changes has been characterised in part by efforts to promote social integration and to resolve the social problems arising from deprivation, and partly by particular emphasis on preserving the identity, cultural values and language of the Gypsy population. The short-term program adopted in 1995 defined the requirement to draw up a medium-term program to provide additional governmental funds through a comprehensive approach. The government set up the Gypsy Affairs Coordination Council and created the Public Foundation for Gypsies in Hungary, which is still in operation today with the objective of coordinating the work of ministries and agencies with nationwide powers, and of supporting efforts to promote equal opportunities. Based on resolutions issued in 1995 the first medium-term package of measures [Government Decree 1093/1997] reviewed and specified the necessary tasks for social integration of the Gypsy population. This contained measures to be implemented in 1997 and 1998, including in the area of education and culture, further developments in child protection and tuition fees' subsidy, prevention of educational segregation, further development and expansion of regional programs to nurture talent (e.g. the Gandhi Secondary School and College), and the establishment of colleges to nurture talent. In order to improve employment and living conditions, measures were taken to demolish substandard Gypsy settlements, to develop employment programs or extend existing programs, integrate Gypsy students into the specialist-training scheme, and support agricultural activities. In the social field, the government set up a crisis management, so-called 'vis major' fund, and launched comprehensive crisis management programs in settlements where disadvantaged strata, including the Gypsy population, represent a significant share of the population.

In the context of action against discrimination, awareness of the Gypsy population has been built into police training. The second part of the package of measures set out the principles for tasks to be determined later. This relates to tasks such as promoting higher education studies for Gypsy students, the requirement to support cultural institutions, defining the role of minority self-governments in fighting unemployment, extending the network of screening and care to improve the state of health of the Gypsy population, supporting offices protecting rights and developing a realistic Gypsy image in the public service media.

The government that entered office in 1998 [the first Orbán-government] reviewed the medium-term package of measures and expanded it. The concepts in Government Decree 1047/1999 essentially followed from the 1997 objectives, but priority was given to tasks related to education and culture. Content development was designated as the objective for primary education (in addition to regular nursery school attendance and a reduction in truancy numbers). For secondary and higher education the aim was avoiding drop-out (by colleges and scholarships), while in terms of culture the development of a public system of cultural institutions organized at group level and further training of experts were emphasized. In the field of employment, requirements were set out for assisting the long-term unemployed and those starting their career. More emphasis was laid on public works and non-profit programs. The government also set the objective of compiling a comprehensive regional development plan to improve infrastructure in run-down residential areas. The Gypsy Inter-Ministerial Committee was set up in 1999 to ensure co-ordination between government agencies and to monitor the implementation of the medium-term program. Within the framework of the package of measures, the ministries have allocated increasing year-on-year sums to implement their tasks (HUF 4.85 billion in 2000, HUF 5.2 billion in 2001, HUF 7.4 billion in 2002). Pursuant to the 1999 Government Decree a decision was taken on drawing up a long-term strategy for social and minorities’ policy and a three-level governmental program. On this basis:

• specific programs and projects appear in the annual plans of action of the relevant portfolios;
• governmental cycles’ 3-4-year tasks are specified in the medium-term package of measures;
• principles and comprehensive objectives covering 20-25 years are designated in the long-term strategy.
The strategy, in the form of a parliamentary resolution, would serve as a guideline spanning parliamentary electoral cycles to achieve objectives related to the social integration of the Gypsy population and founded on the agreement of society at large. In addition to social solidarity, partnership (with Gypsy involvement), subsidiarity and decentralisation (solving local problems at a local level), the necessity to preserve and cultivate the values of the Gypsy culture is defined as basic principles. Another requirement is the development of legal regulations prohibiting discrimination, openness, transparency and the need for a comprehensive multi-faceted approach to the issue. The strategy requires a separate fund to provide regular financing as a material condition for program implementation.

Since 2002: Increasing participation in Hungary’s political and community life
2002 produced major changes in the political role of the Roma. The Roma question appeared in the parliamentary election campaign of spring 2002, and politicians who accepted their Roma origin were included in the party lists both on the left and right wings of the political spectrum. Four such politicians made it into parliament. In autumn 2002 local Gypsy minority self-governing bodies were elected in 998 settlements, and some 4,000 Roma became actively involved in the work of these bodies. In the local authority elections 545 Roma local government representatives and 4 Roma mayors were elected to serve settlement local governments.

Roma policy has also been redefined at governmental level, with the government coming into office in the summer of 2002. The promotion of equal social opportunities for the Roma was declared a priority task. Major organisational changes have taken place in this respect, Roma affairs have been placed back under the direct control of the Prime Minister's Office, and a political undersecretary was appointed for Roma affairs, with an associated Office for Roma Affairs. A political undersecretary with Roma origins was appointed for the first time in Hungarian political life. Strategically important Roma political issues related to social integration and improving the social position of the Gypsy population have been subjected to the supervision and control of the undersecretary and the Office for Roma Affairs, while the Office for Minorities continues to deal with tasks arising from the status of the Roma minority, primarily those related to the minority self-government system, cultural autonomy and general enforcement of rights specified in the Minorities Act of 1993.

The Council for Roma Affairs, a consultation body consisting of independent Roma and non-Roma, as well as other highly regarded experts, and presided over by the Prime Minister, has been set up, and is charged with expressing opinions on strategic issues and formulating guidelines on behalf of the government. A programme to recruit Roma to the ranks of the civil service started to be implemented. Ministerial commissioners have started to work at the Ministry of Education and at the Ministry of National Cultural Heritage. With the appointment of a Minister for Equal Opportunities (without portfolio) in May 2003 and with the establishment of the Government Office for Equal Opportunities in January 2004 the scope of government agencies dealing specifically with improving the position of the Roma was further extended.

Education


Education is a key area from the point of view of creating equal opportunities for the Roma. Presently 90 per cent of young Roma complete primary school education, and 85 per cent of those completing primary school go on to study in some form of secondary institution. In recent years the proportion of Roma students at secondary school institutions providing a school-leaving certificate has risen from 9 to 15 per cent. One unfavourable factor, however, is that most young Roma acquire qualifications in professions where there is little chance of finding employment.

There is great underachievement in higher education, as just 0.3 per cent of the Gypsy population holds a university or college degree. The Ministry of Education and public foundations supporting national and ethnic minorities assist young Gypsies by means of a scholarship system. In recent years there has been a sharp increase in the number of scholarships, from 750 in 1998, to 12,000 in 2001, and 19,000 in 2003. With subsidy from the education ministry, several higher education institutions run preparatory courses to improve the chances of young Roma gaining admission. The extension of the college network, which has already begun, will further improve progress in education. The success of nursery and school education, which forms the basis of equal opportunities for the Gypsy population, depends largely on the professional quality of teacher training and further training. With subsidy from the education ministry, several higher education institutions have introduced the teaching of Romology within the framework of faculty, special college or individual programs. The work of the Ministry of Education’s commissioner for the integration of disadvantaged children, including Roma children, has contributed to a new approach to teaching Roma children in the public education system from the academic year 2003/2004. So-called “catch-up” education, which has been preferred so far and resulted in segregation, has been replaced by an approach focussing on developing abilities and integrative education (Roma and non-Roma students in one class), where the purpose is to provide a common education at an identical level for children in different social and cultural positions. The 1999 amendment to the Public Education Act tightened up the system for control of 'auxiliary' schools, while the 2003 amendment provides for the elimination of the segregating phenomena of 'auxiliary' education, and anti-discrimination elements have been added to ensure the success of disadvantaged school students. A layer of well-trained young Gypsy intellectuals is taking shape, albeit slowly. It must be added, however, that many people, including experienced teachers, do not agree with such a policy and believe that Roma children coming from poor or alcoholic families (often with a criminal record) should be given help in some form of special education.

Besides the Roma minority self-governments, Roma civil and legal protection organizations play an active role in Hungarian domestic politics. (Adapted from a Fact Sheet of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
http://www.mfa.gov.hu/NR/rdonlyres/05DF7A51-99A5-4BFE-B8A5-210344C02B1A/0/Roma_en.pdf

From the above it is evident that Hungary has made very serious efforts to improve the lot of its citizens of Roma (Gipsy) origin. The media, especially the international, gives publicity mainly to the negative tendencies and to the controversies. (Recently hot debates started about a few criminal cases. Some were described as ‘hate crime’ against Roma – the perpetrators were caught and now stand trial -, others involved family feuds between Gipsy families, but on several occasions Roma gangs killed innocent non-Gypsies. The controversial concept “criminal for a living”, explaining petty theft or stealing the produce of farmers, contributed to high tensions in some rural areas. Several local governments took the position that welfare payments should be made conditional on the performance of community work, but civil rights advocate are strongly opposed to such a policy.)

Reports in Western Europe and in the United States usually speak of the plight and the appalling conditions of the Roma in the former communist countries. The authorities and the public are often described as lacking goodwill and being prejudiced. Certainly any unfair treatment should be condemned and eliminated. Idleness and alcoholism, often but not always going back to unemployment, is a hotbed of a-social behaviour. Government programs must be matched by the efforts of the many Roma organizations and local self-governments to reduce crime and to engage the Gypsies in improving their lot by their own efforts. Education and work – this is the clue for easing and eventually eliminating this very serious ethnic problem.

 

 

________________________________________

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Géza Jeszenszky, Ambassador, Professor of History at Corvinus University of Budapest, Embassy of Hungary to the Kingdom of Norway.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY/SOURCES USED:

Personal photos and observations, government correspondence, interviews


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