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• Far-Right/Xenophobic Parties
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breakup of Yugoslavia ('91-'09)
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of Christianization of Europe
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of European ethnic groups
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of Arab and Turkish Rule in Europe
• Religions
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map of British colonization
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& religious map of pre-Nazi Poland
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• Pecs, Hungary: crossroads between
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resistance to Nazis in pictures
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• Arab Warriors
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• Ivan the Terrible
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Propaganda: Defeat of Germany
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• A Hungarian government
perspective on Gypsy/Roma integration
• An analysis of
Mussolini's 1938 racialist legislation
• The disastrous
effects of Soviet collectivization on Kazakhstan
• Changing meaning
of Italian identity under Fascist rule
• Yugoslavia's independent
break from East and West
• Stalin's Ethnic Cleansing of Muslim Tatars
• The Galicians: the
Celts of Spain
• The modern
Macedonian Slavs and Alexander the Great
• An argument for
the Romanians' links to ancient Dacians
• Mussolini's
Italian death camp for Jews, Slovenes, and Marxists
• The disappeared
Jews of Hungary and the Arrow Cross regime
• The Gypsies in history and today,
treated as Europe's public enemy
• History
of Chechnya versus Russia (1800-today)
• Post-WWII expulsion of 10 million
ethnic German civilians
• Ethnic
& religious history of Serbs, Croats, & Bosnians
• Breakaway
states and independence movements in Europe
• The ancient Germanic Runic alphabet
and Runestones
• Teutonic
Order and their 800-year legacy in Eastern Europe
• 460-year
struggle for Albanian homeland, and 540 for Kosovo
• 2,800-year-old white mummies of China,
bringers of Buddhism?
• Alexander the
Great's Greek descendents in Pakistan?
• Visual History
of Yugoslavia and its breakup (1918-2008)
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A Hungarian government
perspective on Gypsy/Roma integration
by Géza Jeszenszky
Print
this Article • About
the Author • Bibliography/Sources
This is an article published
by Géza Jeszenszky of Corvinus University and the Hungarian
Embassy to Norway. It is designed to offer the Hungarian government
perspective on the Roma integration issue covered in this
article.
The Roma (the name meaning
“man, human” and used more recently by the more active members
of the group) or Gipsy are an ethnic group, easy to recognise
from their dark skin and hair. According to estimates, there
are some 12 million Roma people living around the world. The
European Gypsy population, thought to amount to at least 8
million people, includes communities of various sizes in almost
every state in Europe. Around 70 per cent of the European
Roma lives in Central and Eastern Europe, and in some countries
their share of the overall population exceeds 5 per cent.
In terms of estimated figures for the number of Gypsies resident
in 38 European countries, Hungary lies in the fourth place,
after Romania, Bulgaria and Spain.
Demographic change in Hungary (and throughout in Central and
Eastern Europe) is characterised by an ageing, ailing population
while the number of people of Gypsy origin is rising and the
age composition of the Gypsy population is much younger than
that of the overall population. Estimates based on current
demographic trends project that in 2050 more than 20 per cent
of the population will be Roma Hungarians. The Roma continue
to be among the poorest in the country. Their birth rates
are much higher and their average expected life span is significantly
lower than the national average. Although they were traditionally
living in the countryside, under general urbanization trends
from the second half of the 20th century many of them moved
into the cities. There is a sizable Roma minority living in
Budapest. The real number of Roma in Hungary is a disputed
question. In the 2001 census only 190,000 people called themselves
Roma, but experts and Roma organisations estimate that there
are between 450,000 and 1,000,000 Roma living in Hungary.
Since then the size of the Roma population has increased rapidly.
Today every fifth or sixth newborn Hungarian child belongs
to the Roma minority.
Their low status on the
job market and higher unemployment rates perpetuate poverty,
widespread social problems and crime. The European Union shows
much concern to the issue of Roma poverty and alleged intolerance
towards them in the new member states, and tends to put all
the blame on the governments. The major effort of West European
governments seems to be to keep those unwanted elements away
from their own countries. But if one studies the history and
the present situation of the Roma in the formerly communist-dominated
countries, it will become evident that the solution is much
more difficult than the well-meaning activists and the ignorant
bureaucrats believe.
The origins of the
Roma problem
The Roma arrived from North
India. From the fifth century onwards, Roma filtered into
the Persian and later Arab empires of the Middle East, early
groups of them reaching Byzantium in the tenth century. Their
attachment to established religions, whether Hindu, Muslim
or Christian, appears to have been a matter of convenience.
In the Balkans where Ottoman rule lasted longest in Europe,
especially Bulgaria, the majority are Muslim, while in areas
which historically have been under Christian control, they
are Christian.
The most common name used
for them comes from the Greek word 'atsinganos', meaning 'heretic
sect', and later coming into the Latin language as 'cingarus',
into German as 'Zigeuner' and Hungarian as 'cigány'. They
first appeared in Hungary in the 14th and 15th centuries fleeing
the conquering Turks in the Balkans. A significant number
migrated further to West European countries. Since they were
thought to be Egyptian pilgrims in some places, they are still
known by the term Gypsy in these areas today. Because of their
alien culture and unwillingness to be engaged in agricultural
production they were soon expelled and deported from Western
Europe, sometimes brutally. Some tribes managed to hold out
in the Mediterranean region but the majority retreated to
Central and Eastern Europe.
Traditionally independent
and migrant, the Roma have in all countries remained predominantly
outside the various systems in operation, be they feudal,
capitalist or socialist, by becoming horse-dealers, smiths,
musicians and more recently scavengers. The Roma have historically
been persecuted and/or discriminated against in all countries.
During the Second World War, when most of Europe fell under
the domination of the
Nazis, genocide was used against the Roma and some half a
million are believed to have died.
Before the collapse of the
communist system, based on available census figures and previous
estimates (taking into account the high birth rate among Roma)
and including associated sedentary and nomadic groups, the
following figures gave the number of Roma and their percentage
of the population by country in 1986:
Yugoslavia — 850,000 (3.7%);
Romania — 760,000 (3.35%); Hungary— 560,000 (5.21%); Bulgaria
— 475,000 (5.3%); Czechoslovakia — 410,000 (2.66%); Greece
— 140,000 (1.4%); Albania — 80,000 (2.75%); Poland — 70,000
(0.19%). Those figures were based on self-confession, and
in reality the numbers were much higher.
The communist countries
of Eastern Europe have applied pressure on the Roma to stop
travelling, to settle and to seek permanent employment, thus
assimilating, but the results did not prove lasting. Following
the collapse of communism many unskilled Gipsy workers were
laid off, and today most of them are unemployed, living on
social welfare. Criminality (including in-group cases) is
high among them, consequently a negative attitude to Roma
is wide-spread among the population at large. Life expectancy
for Roma remains considerably lower than the average. Many
Roma live in self-made squatter settlements on the outskirts
of towns or villages. A large proportion of their children
do not regularly attend school. Discrimination plays some
part in this as the birth-rate among Roma has increased while
the general population has a zero or negative growth rate,
and many elementary schools are inundated by unruly Gypsy
children.
The history and
present situation of the Roma in Hungary
Between the 15th and 17th centuries during the wars fought
against the Turkish conquerors Gypsies played a considerable
role in Hungarian society. Constant military preparation and
the lack of craftsmen provided opportunity to work. Fortification
and construction works, metalwork, weapons' production and
maintenance, horse trading, postal services, wood carving
and blacksmithing at a rate cheaper than that of the guilds'
craftsmen enabled them to make a living and were important
activities for the country. Some Gypsy groups were even granted
privileges, first under King Sigismund (1387-1437) and King
Matthias (1458-1490), right up to the beginning of the 18th
century. Many landlords made efforts to provide permanent
home to 'companies' in order to acquire their services. However,
from the end of the 17th century, when the Turks were driven
out of Hungary, most activities carried out by the Gypsy population
were rendered unnecessary.
In the mid-18th century
Maria Theresa (1740-1780) and Joseph II (1780-1790) dealt
with the Gypsy question by the contradictory methods of enlightened
absolutism. Maria Theresa enacted a decree prohibiting the
use of the name 'Gypsy' and requiring the terms 'new peasant'
and 'new Hungarian' to be used instead. Joseph II even prohibited
the use of the Gypsy language in 1783. The forced assimilation
essentially proved successful - in the 19th and 20th centuries
the vast majority of the Gypsy population, who had settled
hundreds of years earlier and held onto their customs and
culture for a long time, gave up, even forgetting their native
language and assimilating into Hungarian society. A significant
number worked as blacksmiths, wood-carvers, nail makers and
makers of sun-dried bricks which activities provided a living
for 100,000 Roma and their families at the end of the 19th
century. However, the best opportunity for social advance
was through music – in 1893 Hungary had around 17,000 registered
Gypsy musicians.
A new wave of Gypsy immigration
occurred in the second half of the 19th century, following
the emancipation of peasants and capitalist development. The
arrival from the east and south of Gypsies who had held onto
their traditions and language and mostly continued their itinerant
lifestyle led to many conflicts. As a result of this wave
of new settlers, a census of the country's Gypsy population
was ordered. According to the 1893 census, which is one of
the most important documents in the history of Hungarian Gypsies,
280,000 Gypsies lived in Hungary at that time. The divisions
in Hungary's Gypsy population developed in the early 20th
century. The largest group, who arrived earlier and lost their
language and culture, are known as the 'Romungro' or Hungarian
Gypsies. They distinguish themselves from the rest of the
Gypsy population today. The vast majority of the second group
arrived from Romania in the second half of the 19th century.
They speak the Gypsy language, and are called ‘Vlach Gypsies’
(“oláhcigányok”) by virtue of their origin. There is also
a third, smaller group, the ‘Beas’ Gypsies, who mainly settled
in South-West Hungary and speak archaic Romanian-language
dialects. A low level of Gypsy immigration continued right
up to the outbreak of the Second World War. Prior to the German
occupation of March 19, 1944 the Gypsy population on the then
territory of Hungary was around 200,000. The Nazi way of ‘resolving
the Gypsy question’ was genocide. At least 5,000 Hungarian
Roma were killed in the Roma holocaust, but some estimates
speak of as many as 30,000 victims.
The 1945 land reform, which
broke up the large estates, meant the loss of employment opportunities
for the Gypsy population. The majority were left out of the
land reform program, too. Employment levels improved in the
course of forced industrialisation but the vast majority was
able to find only unskilled jobs. The Cultural Federation
of Gypsies in Hungary was founded on the model of other nationalities'
federations in 1957 with the objective of creating and renewing
original Gypsy literature, music and other art forms, and
assisting in preserving the ancient language. The Deed of
Foundation also contained a general requirement to improve
job creation, schooling, health care and living conditions.
In effect the aim of the foundation was to have the minority
status for Gipsies accepted but the authorities viewed it
with suspicion. Therefore the activities of the federation
were limited to dealing with individual complaints which showed
the need for an organisation for the protection of Roma interests.
Yet the federation only lasted until 1961. A decree issued
in 1961 by the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party declared
the fundamental principles of Gypsy policy for the next few
decades. The decree described the Gypsy question as a social
problem rather than a minority issue: “Policy directed at
the Gypsy population shall start from the principle that despite
certain ethnographical characteristics they do not constitute
a nationality. […] Many people see this as a minority issue
and recommend developing the 'Gypsy language' and setting
up Gypsy-language schools and colleges, Gypsy agricultural
cooperatives, etc. These views are not only mistaken but also
harmful as they preserve the segregation of Gypsies and slow
down their integration into society.” The decree reflected
the communist party’s attempts at assimilation expressed in
the form of 'social crisis management'.
The first reliable data on Gypsies’ living conditions were
provided by the nation-wide research conducted in 1971. It
found 320,000 Roma living in Hungary. 71 per cent were native
Hungarian speakers, 21 per cent spoke the Gypsy language as
their mother tongue, and almost 8 per cent were Romanian speakers.
Two thirds of the Gypsy population lived in settlements on
the outskirts of towns and villages. As a result of industrialisation
in the 1950's and 1960's by 1971 85 per cent of Gypsy men
of working age were in employment. Although a political decision
was taken to accelerate the removal of Gypsy settlements,
separate residential areas inhabited only by Gypsies were
still established through the construction of new homes with
a lower level of comfort. The state home construction program
slowed down in the 80's, and eventually came to an end without
having resolved the housing problems of the Gypsy population.
In 1971 around 60 per cent of Gypsy children attended nursery
school, and 50 per cent completed primary schooling. An increasing
number of these children were learning a trade, and the numbers
attending secondary schools were also rising. However, Gypsy
children were often taught in separate classes, or subjected
to special education in view of their 'handicap'. The first
generation of Gypsy intellectuals appeared and achieved success
primarily in arts and folk culture. Alongside these positive
changes direct and indirect prejudice remained with the means
of mass communication maintaining the stereotype of the work-shy
and criminal Roma.
This progress, which started
spectacularly but was laid on unstable foundations, collapsed
during the social and political changes of 1990. The construction
industry and mining, providing employment for most of the
Gypsies, fell into crisis. And Gypsies, who were largely employed
as unskilled workers and carried out tasks requiring the lowest
level of expertise, were the first to be made redundant at
privatised companies. Within a short space of time the majority
of Gypsy families had fallen back to the level of the previous
decades. Their lack of education continually reduced their
chances for employment. But the Gypsy population began to
get organized and underwent a political awakening at around
the time of the social and political changes. In the first
parliamentary cycle after 1990 three Members of Parliament
openly proclaimed their Gypsy origin. There was an increase
in the number of Gypsy civilian organisations with 96 officially
registered organizations by the end of 1991. Although their
operation was often hindered by financial difficulties the
number of civil Roma organizations rose to 260 by 2001.
Legislation and new institutions after 1990
After the social and political
changes the first democratically elected parliament and government
faced up to the requirement for immediate action concerning
the issue of ethnic minorities including the unsolved problems
of the Roma which had been squeezed into the background for
decades. The constitution and the various laws proclaimed
full equal rights, but difficulties arose in practical enforcement.
Direct governmental action seemed to be urgent since masses
of the Roma lost their jobs as a result of the economic restructuring
and privatisation that followed the social and political changes.
The Roma were the biggest losers in the accelerated modernisation
of the 1990s and the new economic environment. Solidarity
diminished while intolerance and indifference towards other
people's problems gained ground. Political decision-makers
realised that there was no chance of dealing with the situation
without special state assistance promoting the social integration
of the Roma.
The government led by the
late József Antall (1932-1993) established a new, nationwide
institution as early as 1990 ― the ‘Office for National and
Ethnic Minorities'. Its primary task was to prepare decisions
on minority policies, to coordinate and set out the fundamental
principles. This Office was charged with the task of regularly
monitoring the situation of minorities, making analyses and
maintaining contacts with representatives of the minorities.
From the mid-1990s onwards the Office played a decisive role
in working out short and medium-term programs affecting the
Gypsy population, too. A separate vice-president coordinated
Roma affairs within the Office.
The most important measure
affecting all national and ethnic minorities was Act LXXVII
of 1993 on the Rights of National and Ethnic Minorities. It
was adopted by Parliament by a majority of 96 per cent. In
a manner unique in Europe, this Act grants individual and
collective rights to the 13 minorities recognized in Hungary
(Germans, Slovaks, Romanians, Croats, Serbs, Slovenians, Ukrainians,
Rusyns, Poles, Bulgarians, Armenians, and of course the Roma),
both on the local and the country level. The minority self-government
bodies were granted the right to decide, within the scope
of their powers, on establishing, taking over and maintaining
institutions especially in the field of local education, the
written and electronic media, preserving traditions and cultural
matters.
The Minorities Act is of
historical importance for the Gypsy population in Hungary
as it was the first measure to recognise this group of people
as an ethnic minority, thereby assuring, apart from individual
rights, the opportunity for Gypsies to organize collectively
and set up local and nationwide minority self-governments.
In 1994 and 1995 477 local Gypsy self-government bodies were
established. The share of minorities is indicated by the fact
that the other 12 national minorities had established a combined
total of 261 local bodies by this time. In Budapest the district
minority self-governing bodies established the Budapest Gypsy
Minority Self-Government by means of indirect elections, and
founded the National Gypsy Minority Self-Government with 53
representatives. As a result of the second minority self-government
elections held in1998 there was a significant increase in
the number of local Gypsy self-governing bodies, with successful
elections in 764 settlements. Some 3,000 Roma participated
in the work of the minority bodies in that cycle. As a result
of the third elections in 2002 Gypsy minority governments
were formed in 998 settlements, namely in around every third
settlement nationwide. The National Gipsy Self-Government
voices opinions on all issues affecting the Roma as a partner
to the parliament and the government. The Minorities Act made
provision for public service programming in the languages
of recognised minorities, helped establishing cultural institutions,
drew up the legal foundation for minority schooling and education,
affirmed the right of minorities to be represented in parliament,
and called for a parliamentary commissioner for minority rights.
Experience over more than
a decade since the Minorities Act and other legal regulations
were adopted suggests that amendments to and clarification
of certain legal provisions is essential to making the system
operate more efficiently. With regard to being a member of
a minority, the Act starts from the principle of voluntary
identification, relying on self-assessment and not requiring
a register of electors to be drawn up. However, the problem
of legitimacy arose in the election of minority self-governing
bodies from the fact that in the absence of accurate data
not only members of the given minority were entitled to vote
for minority candidates but any other resident of the settlement
with voting rights. For this reason several people, including
the minorities' ombudsman, proposed the introduction of some
form of electoral registration and the clarification of membership
of a community as preconditions for the exercise of minority
community rights, and pressed for changes in the legal regulations
on minority elections. In October 2005 Parliament modified
the election of minority self-government representatives:
a register of minority voters was introduced, and the duties
as well as the operation and financing of minority self-governments
were regulated.
Guaranteed parliamentary representation for minorities has
been considered a major deficiency of the legislature, although
there are several representatives belonging to ethnic minorities
who were elected from individual constituencies or from party
lists. Drafts have been completed on the parliamentary representation
for minorities, but no agreement on such drafts has been reached.
(There was no political opposition to the idea, but the legal
compatibility was found lacking.) In my personal view such
a representation would be a mere formality; the existence
of minority self-government is far more important and has
practical benefits.
Compared to the priorities
of other minorities' self-governing bodies, improving the
social and employment situation is more urgent for the Gypsy
population than enforcing cultural rights. Some governmental
agencies involve minority self-governments in implementing
programs in this area. A good example is the practice of county
job centres carrying out targeted labour market programs.
The social integration of the Roma also imposes a considerable
burden on civilians and civil organisations.
Despite initial difficulties and operational errors, the minority
self-government model has produced some reassuring values
and results. In terms of the future, one important experience
is that the minority self-governing bodies are most successful
in areas where their activities are based on civil organization,
and on minority activities that existed earlier. Positive
experiences show that the minority self-government system
has contributed to the consolidation of national and ethnic
minorities and enlivened the minorities’ community life. The
ability of the Gypsy population to enforce its interests has
clearly improved. The operation of Gypsy minority self-governments
promotes the social integration of the Gypsy population and
regular dialogue and co-operation between the Roma and non-Roma
population.
Over the past few years
the minority self-government system has shown that it is a
viable and effective way of enforcing interests, and assuring
the participation of minorities in local and national issues
affecting them. Those who belong to a minority have started
accepting their identity with a greater degree of awareness
and openness. This is reflected in the census data of 2001.
In 1990 142,683 people claimed to be Gypsy while a decade
later this figure reached 189,984, although this is still
well below the estimated actual size of the Gypsy population.
The answers given to questions first posed in 2001 about language
use and attachment to cultural values also confirm acceptance
of identity by the Roma, with some 50,000 having designated
a Gypsy language (Romany or Beas) as their native language
in the 2001 census, and 130,000 having declared commitment
to the Roma cultural values and traditions.
An important legal regulation
directly affecting the position of the Gypsy population in
Hungary is Act LXXIX of 1993 on Public Education, which was
amended in 1996 and 2003 to provide the national and local
minority self-governing bodies with the opportunity of founding
and maintaining educational institutions, and which defined
the fight against segregation in schools as an objective.
Act LIX of 1993 on the Parliamentary Commissioner for National
and Ethnic Minority Rights is a law of particular significance
for the Gypsy population. It is the responsibility of the
minorities' ombudsman, as defined in the Constitution, to
investigate or ensure the investigation of any abuses of constitutional
rights brought to his/her attention, and to initiate general
or individual measures to remedy such abuse. Based on the
events of recent years and the ombudsman's parliamentary reports,
we can conclude that the establishment of the institution
was justified. Such activity is important for a state founded
on the rule of law.
Following the establishment
of the minorities' institutional system in 1995, individual
and experimental programmes launched with the support of government
agencies and Hungarian and international civil organisations,
such as the establishment of the Gandhi Secondary School in
Pécs, which has acquired an international reputation, were
replaced by specific governmental programs seeking to resolve
the deteriorating position of the Gypsy population. The Roma
policy of the governments since the social and political changes
has been characterised in part by efforts to promote social
integration and to resolve the social problems arising from
deprivation, and partly by particular emphasis on preserving
the identity, cultural values and language of the Gypsy population.
The short-term program adopted in 1995 defined the requirement
to draw up a medium-term program to provide additional governmental
funds through a comprehensive approach. The government set
up the Gypsy Affairs Coordination Council and created the
Public Foundation for Gypsies in Hungary, which is still in
operation today with the objective of coordinating the work
of ministries and agencies with nationwide powers, and of
supporting efforts to promote equal opportunities. Based on
resolutions issued in 1995 the first medium-term package of
measures [Government Decree 1093/1997] reviewed and specified
the necessary tasks for social integration of the Gypsy population.
This contained measures to be implemented in 1997 and 1998,
including in the area of education and culture, further developments
in child protection and tuition fees' subsidy, prevention
of educational segregation, further development and expansion
of regional programs to nurture talent (e.g. the Gandhi Secondary
School and College), and the establishment of colleges to
nurture talent. In order to improve employment and living
conditions, measures were taken to demolish substandard Gypsy
settlements, to develop employment programs or extend existing
programs, integrate Gypsy students into the specialist-training
scheme, and support agricultural activities. In the social
field, the government set up a crisis management, so-called
'vis major' fund, and launched comprehensive crisis management
programs in settlements where disadvantaged strata, including
the Gypsy population, represent a significant share of the
population.
In the context of action
against discrimination, awareness of the Gypsy population
has been built into police training. The second part of the
package of measures set out the principles for tasks to be
determined later. This relates to tasks such as promoting
higher education studies for Gypsy students, the requirement
to support cultural institutions, defining the role of minority
self-governments in fighting unemployment, extending the network
of screening and care to improve the state of health of the
Gypsy population, supporting offices protecting rights and
developing a realistic Gypsy image in the public service media.
The government that entered
office in 1998 [the first Orbán-government] reviewed the medium-term
package of measures and expanded it. The concepts in Government
Decree 1047/1999 essentially followed from the 1997 objectives,
but priority was given to tasks related to education and culture.
Content development was designated as the objective for primary
education (in addition to regular nursery school attendance
and a reduction in truancy numbers). For secondary and higher
education the aim was avoiding drop-out (by colleges and scholarships),
while in terms of culture the development of a public system
of cultural institutions organized at group level and further
training of experts were emphasized. In the field of employment,
requirements were set out for assisting the long-term unemployed
and those starting their career. More emphasis was laid on
public works and non-profit programs. The government also
set the objective of compiling a comprehensive regional development
plan to improve infrastructure in run-down residential areas.
The Gypsy Inter-Ministerial Committee was set up in 1999 to
ensure co-ordination between government agencies and to monitor
the implementation of the medium-term program. Within the
framework of the package of measures, the ministries have
allocated increasing year-on-year sums to implement their
tasks (HUF 4.85 billion in 2000, HUF 5.2 billion in 2001,
HUF 7.4 billion in 2002). Pursuant to the 1999 Government
Decree a decision was taken on drawing up a long-term strategy
for social and minorities’ policy and a three-level governmental
program. On this basis:
• specific programs and projects appear in the annual plans
of action of the relevant portfolios;
• governmental cycles’
3-4-year tasks are specified in the medium-term package of
measures;
• principles and comprehensive objectives covering 20-25 years
are designated in the long-term strategy.
The strategy, in the form of a parliamentary resolution, would
serve as a guideline spanning parliamentary electoral cycles
to achieve objectives related to the social integration of
the Gypsy population and founded on the agreement of society
at large. In addition to social solidarity, partnership (with
Gypsy involvement), subsidiarity and decentralisation (solving
local problems at a local level), the necessity to preserve
and cultivate the values of the Gypsy culture is defined as
basic principles. Another requirement is the development of
legal regulations prohibiting discrimination, openness, transparency
and the need for a comprehensive multi-faceted approach to
the issue. The strategy requires a separate fund to provide
regular financing as a material condition for program implementation.
Since 2002: Increasing participation in Hungary’s political
and community life
2002 produced major changes in the political role of the Roma.
The Roma question appeared in the parliamentary election campaign
of spring 2002, and politicians who accepted their Roma origin
were included in the party lists both on the left and right
wings of the political spectrum. Four such politicians made
it into parliament. In autumn 2002 local Gypsy minority self-governing
bodies were elected in 998 settlements, and some 4,000 Roma
became actively involved in the work of these bodies. In the
local authority elections 545 Roma local government representatives
and 4 Roma mayors were elected to serve settlement local governments.
Roma policy has also been
redefined at governmental level, with the government coming
into office in the summer of 2002. The promotion of equal
social opportunities for the Roma was declared a priority
task. Major organisational changes have taken place in this
respect, Roma affairs have been placed back under the direct
control of the Prime Minister's Office, and a political undersecretary
was appointed for Roma affairs, with an associated Office
for Roma Affairs. A political undersecretary with Roma origins
was appointed for the first time in Hungarian political life.
Strategically important Roma political issues related to social
integration and improving the social position of the Gypsy
population have been subjected to the supervision and control
of the undersecretary and the Office for Roma Affairs, while
the Office for Minorities continues to deal with tasks arising
from the status of the Roma minority, primarily those related
to the minority self-government system, cultural autonomy
and general enforcement of rights specified in the Minorities
Act of 1993.
The Council for Roma Affairs, a consultation
body consisting of independent Roma and non-Roma, as well
as other highly regarded experts, and presided over by the
Prime Minister, has been set up, and is charged with expressing
opinions on strategic issues and formulating guidelines on
behalf of the government. A programme to recruit Roma to the
ranks of the civil service started to be implemented. Ministerial
commissioners have started to work at the Ministry of Education
and at the Ministry of National Cultural Heritage. With the
appointment of a Minister for Equal Opportunities (without
portfolio) in May 2003 and with the establishment of the Government
Office for Equal Opportunities in January 2004 the scope of
government agencies dealing specifically with improving the
position of the Roma was further extended.
Education
Education is a key area from the point of view of creating
equal opportunities for the Roma. Presently 90 per cent of
young Roma complete primary school education, and 85 per cent
of those completing primary school go on to study in some
form of secondary institution. In recent years the proportion
of Roma students at secondary school institutions providing
a school-leaving certificate has risen from 9 to 15 per cent.
One unfavourable factor, however, is that most young Roma
acquire qualifications in professions where there is little
chance of finding employment.
There is great underachievement in
higher education, as just 0.3 per cent of the Gypsy population
holds a university or college degree. The Ministry of Education
and public foundations supporting national and ethnic minorities
assist young Gypsies by means of a scholarship system. In
recent years there has been a sharp increase in the number
of scholarships, from 750 in 1998, to 12,000 in 2001, and
19,000 in 2003. With subsidy from the education ministry,
several higher education institutions run preparatory courses
to improve the chances of young Roma gaining admission. The
extension of the college network, which has already begun,
will further improve progress in education. The success of
nursery and school education, which forms the basis of equal
opportunities for the Gypsy population, depends largely on
the professional quality of teacher training and further training.
With subsidy from the education ministry, several higher education
institutions have introduced the teaching of Romology within
the framework of faculty, special college or individual programs.
The work of the Ministry of Education’s commissioner for the
integration of disadvantaged children, including Roma children,
has contributed to a new approach to teaching Roma children
in the public education system from the academic year 2003/2004.
So-called “catch-up” education, which has been preferred so
far and resulted in segregation, has been replaced by an approach
focussing on developing abilities and integrative education
(Roma and non-Roma students in one class), where the purpose
is to provide a common education at an identical level for
children in different social and cultural positions. The 1999
amendment to the Public Education Act tightened up the system
for control of 'auxiliary' schools, while the 2003 amendment
provides for the elimination of the segregating phenomena
of 'auxiliary' education, and anti-discrimination elements
have been added to ensure the success of disadvantaged school
students. A layer of well-trained young Gypsy intellectuals
is taking shape, albeit slowly. It must be added, however,
that many people, including experienced teachers, do not agree
with such a policy and believe that Roma children coming from
poor or alcoholic families (often with a criminal record)
should be given help in some form of special education.
Besides the Roma minority self-governments,
Roma civil and legal protection organizations play an active
role in Hungarian domestic politics. (Adapted from a Fact
Sheet of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
http://www.mfa.gov.hu/NR/rdonlyres/05DF7A51-99A5-4BFE-B8A5-210344C02B1A/0/Roma_en.pdf
From the above it is evident that
Hungary has made very serious efforts to improve the lot of
its citizens of Roma (Gipsy) origin. The media, especially
the international, gives publicity mainly to the negative
tendencies and to the controversies. (Recently hot debates
started about a few criminal cases. Some were described as
‘hate crime’ against Roma – the perpetrators were caught and
now stand trial -, others involved family feuds between Gipsy
families, but on several occasions Roma gangs killed innocent
non-Gypsies. The controversial concept “criminal for a living”,
explaining petty theft or stealing the produce of farmers,
contributed to high tensions in some rural areas. Several
local governments took the position that welfare payments
should be made conditional on the performance of community
work, but civil rights advocate are strongly opposed to such
a policy.)
Reports in Western Europe and in the
United States usually speak of the plight and the appalling
conditions of the Roma in the former communist countries.
The authorities and the public are often described as lacking
goodwill and being prejudiced. Certainly any unfair treatment
should be condemned and eliminated. Idleness and alcoholism,
often but not always going back to unemployment, is a hotbed
of a-social behaviour. Government programs must be matched
by the efforts of the many Roma organizations and local self-governments
to reduce crime and to engage the Gypsies in improving their
lot by their own efforts. Education and work – this is the
clue for easing and eventually eliminating this very serious
ethnic problem.
________________________________________
ABOUT
THE AUTHOR:
Géza Jeszenszky, Ambassador,
Professor of History at Corvinus University of Budapest, Embassy
of Hungary to the Kingdom of Norway.
BIBLIOGRAPHY/SOURCES
USED:
Personal photos
and observations, government correspondence, interviews
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